By Jeff Oliver
Michigan State University
Introduction
“To
hundreds and thousands of ignorant foreigners that have come to our shores,
liberty means liberty to commit crime, freedom means freedom to be beastly and
degraded. They contaminate everything they touch" (Flores 2003, 368). This
anti-immigrant rhetoric appeared in the American
Standard (San Francisco) in 1888. Although it is 125 years old, this
rhetoric is not so different from some appearing in the immigration reform
debates of today.
For example, political consultant Frank
Luntz encourages people to speak of immigration using the following rhetoric:
“This is about overcrowding of YOUR schools, emergency room chaos in YOUR
hospitals, the increase in YOUR taxes, and the crime in YOUR communities”
(Luntz 2007, 284-5; Garcia 2012; emphasis in original). He also encourages
conversations about “border security” and September 11th which
potentially conjures up fears about terrorism (Luntz 2007, 284-5; Garcia 2012).
In this paper, I argue that this type of
negative rhetoric toward immigrants is often the result of “unarticulated
fears” (Massey 1995) rather than thorough study of immigration issues. The
dissemination of this rhetoric can be termed “immigrant threat narrative”
(Flores 2003; Chavez 2008). Immigrant threat narrative assigns a position of
“otherness” (Blumer 1958) to immigrants and results in negative feelings toward
them as well as the passage of immigrant-hostile legislation (Flores 2003). I
will use the term “immigration myths” to refer to immigrant threat narratives
that are the product of “unarticulated fears” rather than well-studied
opinions. This negativity toward immigrants can be thought of as deeply
embedded in social structures, and as pervasive at all levels of society
(Feagin & Elias 2013).
Immigration myths also have real
consequences (Flores 2003, Massey 2013). For example, there is a preponderance
of literature on the net benefit of immigrants in the United States
(Hainmueller & Hisox 2010; Kenny 2012; Koba 2012; Brooks 2013; Furrow 2013;
Scott 2013). However, due to myths about immigration, the potential benefits of
immigration may not be realized because of the passage of immigrant-hostile
legislation (de jure) as well as
interpersonal (de facto) discrimination.
Current research suggests that if immigrants are given a path to legal status,
they will add a net $25 billion to the economy each year (Brooks 2013; Salas
2013). Conversely, if deportation of all undocumented immigrants were to occur,
the United States would lose “$551.6 billion in economic activity, $245 billion
in gross domestic product and approximately 2.8 million jobs, even accounting
for adequate market adjustment time” (Salas 2013). Therefore, the potential
impact of immigration myths could range from less productive immigrant workers
due to defending threats against their identity (Suarez-Orozco &
Suarez-Orozco 2009) to economic disaster (see Brooks 2013; Salas 2013).
I first present a discussion on the
source of these “unarticulated fears” (Massey 1995) or myths, followed by a
discussion of the inaccurate nature of the myths themselves. Through an
extensive review of academic and journalistic literature, I find overwhelming
support for increased encouragement (rather than increased sanctions) for
undocumented immigration and informal business activities.
Foundations of Immigration Myths
As
stated above, many people believe and perpetuate immigration myths instead of
seeking the facts about immigration. Even Mead (1962 [1934]) noted that
individuals often imagine how others will act in society and “take on” those
imagined responses. Building on Mead, it may be that individuals cling to myths
they hear in passing that seem to fit with the opinions that they think will
fit with those in their social group. In other words, rather than studying the
facts of immigration and drawing fact-based conclusions, individuals cling to
information that seems to go along with the opinions of those they care about.
While this describes a micro-level
process, the reader would do well to remember that discrimination can be seen
as deeply embedded in social structures and pervasive throughout all levels of
society (Feagin & Elias 2013). Therefore, these attitudes of hostility
toward immigrants are not only found at the individual level. For example,
these myths of immigration may ultimately impact official legislation (Flores
2013). To further complicate the matter, individual level acts and attitudes
may impact and be impacted by legislation.
For example, immigration policies in the
United States had been overtly racist prior to the civil rights movement in the
1960s, “openly (discriminating) against Asians, Africans and Southern/Eastern
Europeans” (Massey 2013, 6). This practice was abolished in the 1960s with the
rise of the civil rights movement (Massey 2013, 6). In this way, public attitudes
encouraged a policy change. However, these same public attitudes encouraged the
demise of another migration policy because it was viewed as exploitive. This
was a temporary worker program for Mexican nationals known as the “bracero
program” (Massey 2013, 6). Once again, public attitudes encouraged a change in
policy; however, the policy also created an unanticipated shift in public
attitudes. The termination of the bracero program and subsequent reduction in
the number of visas for these Mexican nationals changed the “status” of these
workers, and the same individuals that had been welcomed before were now
officially “illegal” immigrants, “lawbreakers” and, thus “criminals” (Massey
2013, 7). Therefore, a policy which was intended to defend the rights of
international workers unintentionally criminalized them. This, in turn impacted
the way these immigrants came to be seen (Massey 2013) (in other words, policy
impacted public opinion).
The impact of this policy change on
public attitudes can still be seen today. For example, despite numerous recent
articles on the positive impact of immigrants (documented and undocumented) (Hainmueller
& Hisox 2010; Charles 2012; Kenny 2012; Koba 2012; Brooks 2013; Furrow
2013; Scott 2013), many still engage in rhetoric that claim that immigrants are
the problem (Flores 2003; Chavez 2008; Garcia 2013) and that undocumented
immigrants are law breakers and criminals (Skerry 2013). In short, one of the
pervading themes of opponents of pro-immigration policy is that many immigrants
are undocumented, and, consequently are “law-breakers” and undeserving of
citizenship. Ironically, however, the trend of undocumented immigration was
precipitated by official policies once encouraging certain types of migration
(for example, through the bracero program), and then suddenly criminalizing the
deeply engrained patterns they had set in motion through policy (Massey 2013). These
are just a few examples of the way in which legislation can be impacted by
public opinion and public opinion by policy.
However, understanding why negative
attitudes and hostile legislation directed toward immigrants exist is quite
complex.
Esses, Jackson & Armstrong (1998)
reviewed the major types of theories of conflict with immigrants. They note
that conflict with immigrants has been explained as competition over scarce
resources (Campbell 1965 in Esses et al. 1998), as attempts to blame weak
groups for social problems (“scapegoating”) (Zawdski 1948 in Esses et al. 1998),
as a function of group identity (Tajfel & Turner 1986 in Esses et al. 1998),
and as related to symbolic racism (conflict stemming from a perceived threat to
the Protestant work ethic) (Sears 1988 in Esses et al. 1998).
Esses et al. (1998) theorize that a combination of these theories is at work,
but that conflict only occurs when (1) there is a perception that some other
group (such as immigrants) might successfully compete for scarce resources, and
(2) that group (immigrants) is different enough to stand out. Additionally, in
an analysis of what is known as SDO (social dominance orientation) Bobo &
Hutchings (1996) noted that certain people (with high SDO) are more prone to
see the world as a competitive place and Pratto et al. (1994) noted that
certain personality types (with high SDO) are prone to seeing life as a zero
sum game.
One issue related to all of these
theories is that these explanations of discriminatory behavior toward
immigrants are not necessarily evident to those who are discriminating against
immigrants. For example, DiTomaso (2013) noted that most native-born whites
scarcely think about discrimination at all even though they act in
discriminatory ways. Therefore, some types of discrimination toward immigrants
are not even conscious. This presents a sizeable challenge in that some who are
perpetuating discrimination are not even aware that they are doing so.
Additionally, some elite native-born elite whites simply do not want to be
removed from their position of power (Massey 1995, 632). Massey notes that when
this is the case, these native-born individuals are hesitant to discuss their
feelings (Massey 1995, 632).
Immigrants may also be treated as
objects of hostility by other immigrants that are competing for resources and
status (Gold 2010) or immigrants that have achieving some degree of elevated
status in the host country. For example, Ilya Gutman (2013) though an immigrant
herself, has become outspoken against undocumented immigrants. Whatever the
intentions of those who discriminate against them, immigrants continually feel
low status, and are the objects of discrimination and even acts of hostility
(Gold 2010).
Two questions flow out of this
discussion. (1) How can the barriers created by immigration myths and threat
narratives be overcome? (2) What would be the results of removing these
barriers? Notably, some might prefer the first question to read, “Should the barriers be overcome?” This
question is addressed within the second question by illustrating the
preponderance of positive as compared to negative outcomes of giving immigrants
greater freedoms and fewer restrictions.
In order to address these questions, I
now turn to a discussion on myths of immigration. As Brooks (2013) stated,
“many of the fears associated with immigration, including illegal immigration,
are overblown.”
Myths of Immigration
One
of the most commonly employed myths in that immigrants steal jobs from and decrease wages of native-born
individuals (Gray 2013; Yglesias 2013).
There is a preponderance of evidence that this is largely not the case. For
some time, research supported the idea that immigrants do not take jobs from
most native-born Americans; however, even the argument that immigrants take the
jobs of lower skilled natives is weakening (Brooks 2013). Economics professor
Madeline Zavodny (Brooks 2013) found that each additional foreign-born worker
in science and technology fields is associated with the creation of 2.62 new
jobs for natives. In general, 90% of Americans benefit economically from the
presence of immigrants (Gold 2009).
There is also increasing evidence that
immigrants do not lower wages even for lower-skilled native-born Americans, as
had previously been thought (Brooks 2013). Often immigrant workers push
lower-skilled native-born workers into higher paying jobs that require
communication skills over manual labor (Brooks 2013). Additionally, the
research that supports a decrease for lower-skilled native-born Americans notes
that the decrease is very small or even “insignificant” (Brooks 2013).
Therefore, news stories and alarmists that report that immigrants lower wages
for lower-skilled Americans can most likely only be referring to these
“insignificant” decreases. (For example, one report using data between 1994 and
2007 found that immigration increased wages overall by $3.68 per week, and
decreased the wages for male high school drop-outs by just $1.37 per week—just
over $70 per year) (Brooks 2013).
Finally, immigrants not only create jobs
by starting businesses that employ people, they are also consumers themselves.
Immigration opponents readily paint a picture of immigrants that take American
jobs, but rarely mention that each new arrival is another potential customer
(that will, in turn, increase business revenues and the need for more workers)
(Salas 2013).
Another myth is that illegal immigrants are all criminals. If
they will break the law to come into the country, they will break other laws
once they are here (Foley 2011). In general, immigrants (both documented
and undocumented) are less likely to commit crime than native-born individuals
(Gold 2009). Furrow (2013) notes
that, while media images sensationalize crime committed by undocumented
immigrants, most follow the law. He further notes that most undocumented
immigrants wish to maintain a low profile to avoid potential deportation
(Furrow 2013). Brooks (2013) similarly notes that “Immigrants, including
illegal immigrants, are not socially disruptive. They are much less likely to
wind up in prison or in mental hospitals than the native-born.” On the more
extreme end, some argue that undocumented immigrants are potentially more
likely to be terrorists. However, the FBI and CIA have asked for a de-linking
of undocumented immigrants and terrorists as those involved in the 9/11 attacks
were all in the country with documentation (Salas 2013), and tighter
immigration law on the U.S./Mexico border has never resulted in stopping a
potential terrorist attack (Johnson & Trujillo 2007). In general, the myth
that illegal immigrants possess a higher disposition to break the law once in
the country appears to not be well-founded.
An extension of this is the myth that “illegal” immigration is illegal. In
other words, some opponents of immigration argue that undocumented immigrants
are lawbreakers if only by virtue of having entered the country illegally.Rick Santorum (Foley 2011) and Jeb Bush
(Klein, R. 2013) are among the prominent opponents of undocumented immigration
on the grounds that those who enter “illegally” have broken the law, and “the
law is the law.”
While it is illegal for a company to
knowingly hire an individual without work authorization, it is not illegal to
seek employment, start a business or work as an independent contractor without
work authorization (Carcamo 2013). Additionally, as Garcia (2013) notes, even
alleged child molesters and murderers are not labeled as “illegal” and are
allowed the due process of law to be pronounced guilty or not guilty.
Furthermore, the Supreme Court has ruled that "as a general rule, it is
not a crime for a removable alien to remain present in the United States"
(Garcia 2013). In the words of Garcia (2013):
“Migrant workers residing
unlawfully in the U.S. are not -- and never have been -- criminals. They are
subject to deportation, through a civil administrative procedure that differs
from criminal prosecution, and where judges have wide discretion to allow
certain foreign nationals to remain here.”
In
short, being in the United States without documentation is not a criminal
offense (Garcia 2013). The Supreme Court also recognizes the danger of using
the term “illegal” immigrant and avoided the use of such language in their
ruling (Garcia 2013). However, it remains the preferred term of the Associated
Press and is used by the large majority of journalists (Garcia 2013). This
seems to be a direct contradiction of the essence of Nobel Peace Prize winner
Ellie Wiesel’s sentiment that “no human being is illegal” (Garcia 2013). Brown
(2013) also recognized that the “illegality frame” vilifies immigrants and adds
another possible layer of discrimination (in addition to nationality and possibly
race) to which immigrants may become victims.
Some opponents of immigration also describe
immigrants as a drain on public resources. For example, Robert Rector of the
Heritage Foundation calls the distribution of benefits to undocumented
immigrants a “travesty” and “an assault on the U.S. taxpayer” (Starr 2013).
This reflects the fear that immigrants
take benefits and give nothing back, or take more out than they give back. Ironically,
quite the opposite is the case. Immigrants are up to thirty percent as likely
to start their own businesses, and started roughly 25% of tech companies that
have more than $1 million in sales (Brooks 2013; Salas 2013). Additionally in
2010, 18% of Fortune 500 companies had at least one foreign-born founder (Scott
2013). These companies together generated $1.7 trillion in revenue and employed
3.6 million workers as of 2010 (Scott 2013). In general, roughly one-fifth of
all business owners in the US are foreign born (Tozzi 2012). Additionally, it
is estimated that nearly three-fourths of undocumented immigrants pay taxes but
do not get a tax return (Foley 2011). These undocumented immigrants also pay
roughly $9 million per year into the Social Security system from which the
majority will most likely never benefit (Foley 2011; Salas 2013). Overall,
immigrants pay $90 billion in income tax (with another $520 billion in taxes
with mismatched social security numbers for which they will not get a return)
in addition to sales tax, as well as direct and indirect property tax (Salas 2013).
In one study in Los Angeles County, CA, immigrants were responsible for only 6%
of all hospital costs, even though they represented 12% of the population
(Salas 2013).
In short, if immigrants in the United
States were given a path to citizenship, they would pay $48 billion into the
system and only take $23 billion out (Brooks 2013). It is no wonder that many
who base their decisions on fear instead of facts focus more on the $23 billion
immigrants would pull out of the system than on the $48 billion they would pay
in. To use a business analogy, deporting all undocumented immigrants because of
what they take out is like failing to start a business because it would cost
$23 billion, even though it would generate $48 billion in revenue.
Another fear that immigration opponents
harbor without substantiation is the idea that if immigration is legalized it will “open the flood gates.” In
essence, those who support this myth argue that the state will be overwhelmed
by excessive demand on its resources or that too many immigrants will vanquish
American values and culture (so-called). People like Washington Times
journalist Daniel Martin Gray (2013) seem to fear that if immigration is made
legal, it will open the flood gates and pillage resources from native born Americans
(as well as destroy “American” culture) (see also Gold 2009). Ironically, many
who believe in the power of the free market do not see it at work in matters of
migration flows. Yet, this appears to be the case, at least to a degree. For
example, net migration between the US and Mexico hit zero in the years
following the great recession (Passel et al. 2012). Ironically, migration flows
between the United States and Mexico have been rather constant—in spite of
whether the migrants have been sanction or discouraged by legislation (Passel
et al. 2012; Massey 2013). However, it
appears that slumping economic conditions in the United States may have slowed
migration in a way that legislation could not.
Additionally, the myth that immigrants do not assimilate and will
not/do not learn English appears to be unsubstantiated. Nearly all children
of African and Asian immigrants and 90% of second generation Latino immigrants
know English fluently (Brooks 2013; Salas 2013). Additionally, the fears that
immigrants of today will not assimilate are reminiscent of fears about
immigrants of 100 years ago who have assimilated quite well (Gold 2009). In
general “there is reason to believe that the most recent wave of immigrants will,
like those of earlier cohorts, prove to be good citizens and valuable assets to
their adopted country” (Gold 2009, 410).
Some opponents of immigration also paint
a picture of immigrant entrepreneurs as
mostly engaged in “microbusinesses” that are too small to make a big difference
in the economy. Microbusiness is
defined as very small businesses usually employing fewer than five employees.
These businesses often have just one employee and could consist of anything
from collecting scraps for recycling to online sales. Microbusiness might
easily be written off by many as only a means of survival for many immigrants
who do not have the capital (Martinez 2011; Gold forthcoming) to engage in
larger business activities. However, there is enormous potential in microbusiness
for immigrants (Dawson et al. 2012; CAMEO 2013; Catholic Charities 2013; KPCC
2013). While the immigrant microbusiness ownership is understudied,
microbusinesses in general created 5.5 million jobs between 2004 and 2010 in
the United States (CAMEO 2013). This
is even more impressive when compared to large businesses (those with more than
500 employees) that lost 1.8 million jobs during that same time period (CAMEO
2013). With only one exception, microbusiness has created jobs every year
during that time period, and has created more jobs than businesses of all other
sizes with only one exception (in 2006 large businesses created 1,072,710 jobs
compared to 1,001,960 for microbusiness) (CAMEO 2013). In other words,
microbusiness has led the economy in job creation throughout (and probably in
part because of) the recession.
A growing number of businesses and
organizations are designed to cater to immigrant microbusiness owners and
potential owners (Dawson et al. 2012; CAMEO 2013; Catholic Charities 2013; KPCC
2013). Many undocumented immigrants may be especially drawn to microbusiness as
a sort of “loophole” for employment in the United States as small business
owners and independent contractors need not prove their work authorization
(Carcamo 2013). Microbusiness may also be one of the only alternatives
available to many undocumented immigrants if they are resource disadvantaged
(Light & Gold 2000). As Light & Gold (2000) observed “Selling pencils
on the street requires only pencils and a tin cup. Manufacturing pencils
requires millions in start-up capital, so it is no wonder that millionaires
manufacture pencils and paupers sell them” (210).
However, many immigrants may be able to
start these businesses due to low start-up capital requirements, but they may
also lack cultural or social capital in order to grow their business in the way
they want (Light & Gold 2000). While there are a growing number of programs
to help immigrants start and grow their microbusinesses, it is unlikely that
there are enough of these businesses to support the total number of immigrants.
These organizations are vital for immigrants who may already be working to
learn new ways of doing things in a new country, especially given the very
complex processes involved in starting a small business in the United States
(Klein, K. 2013).
Despite the obstacles microbusinesses
appear to give a boost to the economy (especially in times of recession), and
immigrants appear to be at the forefront of this activity. To illustrate this, Sanburn
(2012) notes that immigrants own 20% of small computer design companies, 37% of
restaurants, and 90% of dry cleaning businesses, and this trend is increasing.
A final myth is that immigrants (especially undocumented
immigrants) operate “shady” businesses in the informal economy that contribute
very little to society as a whole (see Gold forthcoming, 2). Research being conducted on this
topic reveals a different story. For example, Jones and colleagues (2004) note
that the elimination of the informal economy would result in eliminated
revenue, jobs and would harm already fragile business districts where this
activity often takes place. Steven Gold (forthcoming) also notes that many
businesses in the informal economy pay taxes (and often at a higher rate than
other businesses). The informal economy is beginning to be recognized not as a
pervasive and integral part of developed economies rather than a pathological
feature of developing nations that will go away with time (Portes &
Sassen-Koob 1987; Jones et al. 2004; Gold forthcoming). The informal economy
has been recognized as playing a vital role in filling otherwise unmet economic
needs in several industrialized nations (Jones et al. 2004; Kloosterman et al.
2010; Martinello & Rath 2010, European Commission 2013).
Immigrants without many entrepreneurial
resources are active in the informal economy (Sassen 1996; Light 2004; Gold 2010,
11, 15). Gold further observes that immigrant groups that have low official
rates of self-employment are actually active in the informal economy where
their entrepreneurship often goes undetected (2010, 15). The informal economy is not to be confused
with the illegal economy (Portes
& Sassen-Koob 1987; Gold 2010, 162; Gold forthcoming). The latter consists
of the sale of “legally prohibited goods and services” and the former consists
of sales of goods and services which occur off the books, pay no taxes and are
unregulated (Gold 2010, 162; Gold forthcoming).
While the informal economy may seem shady,
obscure and distant from the average American, research over the past decades
reveals that it is quite the opposite. For example, nearly half of all
independent contractors work in the informal economy, and 83% of households use
goods or services from at least one informal source (Gold forthcoming, 8). In
summary, Gold observes that:
“Popular stereotypes suggest that
the informal economy is the province of very small businesses, unskilled and
marginal workers, and low wages. However, systematic investigation reveals that
this view is largely unfounded. Rather, the informal economy is more dynamic
and more economically significant than many experts have assumed.” (Gold forthcoming,
2)
Additionally,
while some try to blame lower income immigrants and other marginalized
populations for the existence of the informal economy, it actually can be
attributed instead to macro-level social and economic patterns including
“global competition, high rates of unemployment, costly and restrictive
regulations and the inability of established firms to adapt to ever changing
environments” (Gold forthcoming, 3).
Immigrants often have jobs in the
informal and formal sectors at the same time (Gold forthcoming). Additionally, they
are often driven into the informal economy in order to escape jobs that are
menial, dirty, dangerous, low status, or otherwise less desirable (Gold
forthcoming). Immigrants are often compelled by systematic discrimination
(policy or interpersonal discrimination) into these less desirable jobs;
however, they are also stigmatized for working in the informal economy.
Overall, activities in the informal
economy add jobs, stimulate the economy, revitalize rundown business areas,
reduce the need for reliance on federal benefits, create extended business
hours and introduce new products and ways of doing business (Jones et al. 2004;
Carcamo 2013; Gold forthcoming). These benefits are so substantial that a
number of scholars advocate a strategy of supporting rather than sanctioning
the informal sector (Jones et al. 2004; Kloosterman et al. 2010, Gold
forthcoming). Gold (forthcoming) additionally argues that many types of
business that cater to wealthy elites (such as hedge fund management) are
partly free from regulation, yet many local governments are hesitant to
encourage informal business despite the advantages they promote for
disadvantaged people to take care of themselves and rely less on state
benefits.
Conclusion
Overall,
there is a preponderance of evidence that immigrants benefit societies far more
than they take from them. However, discussions of immigration too frequently draw
upon myths that vilify immigrants rather than convey facts about the pros and
cons of immigration. Too frequently, it is expressed or implied that
immigration or even immigrants themselves are the “problem” in the immigration
problem. I argue that the problem is neither immigration (documented or
undocumented) or the individual immigrant (documented or undocumented). The
problem is the barrier that is placed in front of immigrants through
discriminatory labels and the perpetuation of immigration myths that vilify
rather than humanize immigrants. These discriminatory attitudes can also become
embodied in official laws or acts of legislation which may further perpetuate
the destructive myths.
Ironically, many who are opposed to
legalizing immigration seem to be selectively in favor of the idea of free
market economics, claiming that de-regulation works to optimize economic
outcomes in other cases, but not for immigration. There is abundant evidence
that if immigration were legalized, there would be an enormous economic benefit
–by some estimates over $20 billion dollars (Brooks 2013; Salas 2013).
This may conjure up the idea that this
refers only to founders of large tech start-ups; however, there is mounting
evidence that immigrants who own microbusinesses and those in the informal
economy can make enormous economic contributions that would be even larger if
immigrant-hostile policies were removed or reduced.
Path to citizenship legislation holds
the potential to increase the productivity of immigrants by giving them a way
to have a legal status. As Castañeda (2013) points out, what immigrants care
about most is amnesty—the ability to
be given a fair chance without fear of apprehension and deportation, and the
chance to add value to American society. However, legal status will not be
enough by itself if individuals continue to harbor myths about immigrants as
threats, rather than drawing informed conclusions based on research findings
and facts.
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